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Les super riches sont les dictateurs du XXIe siècle | Slate.fr

Publié le 14/11/2013
Mis à jour le 14/11/2013 à 17h02

Les indicateurs de développement se sont considérablement améliorés au cours des 50 dernières années mais cela n’empêche pas de s’assurer que les bénéfices mirobolants réalisés par les élites ne finissent pas par priver tous les autres de leurs droits de citoyens.

Début octobre, la banque d’investissement Crédit Suisse a publié son rapport annuel sur la richesse mondiale. Le document regorge de trouvailles très intéressantes, mais il y en a une qui m’a frappée en particulier. Elle concerne la distribution des actifs en Russie, où, comme l’indique le rapport, 35% des richesses du pays seraient détenues par près de 110 personnes, un chiffre ahurissant. A l’inverse, 93,7% des Russes ne pèseraient que 10.000 dollars (7.500 euros environ) ou moins.
Comme le fait remarquer ce rapport, ces chiffres font de la Russie le pays aux plus grandes disparités de richesses au monde. Les Américains peuvent se consoler de ce constat, eux qui s’inquiètent de plus en plus de l’écart qui se creuse dans leur propre pays. Même dans les circonstances actuelles, les richesses sont bien mieux réparties aux États-Unis qu’en Russie (comme le montre ce comparatif). Ça pourrait être pire, non?
Oui, ça pourrait être pire. Mais je vois peu de raisons de se réjouir. La Russie n’est que l’exemple le plus extrême d’une tendance mondiale qui constitue l’une des plus grandes menaces potentielles à la démocratie dans le monde actuel: une expansion de l’oligarchie.
Le problème n’est pas seulement qu’il y ait des gens extrêmement riches dans le monde d’aujourd’hui; le problème, c’est que richesse disproportionnée rime avec pouvoir disproportionné. La Russie, encore elle, est l’exemple parfait des dangers que cela implique. Dans les années 1990, une poignée de magnats des affaires, très proches de certains hommes politiques, se sont arrangés pour tirer parti de leur relation privilégiée avec le Kremlin de Boris Eltsine, en profitant de la privatisation de l’industrie des bijoux du pays —plus importante que l’argent généré par le pétrole.
Ces hommes d’affaires n’avaient pas peur d’exploiter leur pouvoir économique à des fins politiques. Ils ont assuré la réélection d’Eltsine à la présidentielle de 1996, s’autorisant à contrôler les rendez-vous ministériels, et à dicter la politique gouvernementale. Pas étonnant que ces hommes d’affaires devenus politiciens aient vite été qualifiés d’oligarques. (En grec, «oligarchie» signifie «gouvernement par une minorité»).
L’un de ces hommes d’affaires, Boris Berezovsky, récemment décédé, a permis à un ancien du KGB d’accéder au poste de premier ministre. Vladimir Poutine s’est montré très peu reconnaissant, au final. Une fois élu président, celui-ci n’a pas attendu longtemps avant de réduire drastiquement l’influence de son ancien bienfaiteur, poussant Berezovsky à l’exil.
Poutine privé les autres magnats de l’ère Eltsine de leur pouvoir (notamment Mikhail Khodorkovsky, emprisonné depuis 10 ans en camp de travail), avant de les remplacer par un nouveau groupe d’hommes d’affaires– dont beaucoup ont des liens avec les anciens services de sécurité soviétiques– qui doivent leur fortune à Poutine. L’un deux, Igor Sechin, ancien du KGB, et dirigeant de la plus grosse entreprise pétrolière du pays, est considéré comme le deuxième homme le plus puissant de Russie, après Poutine lui-même.
Mais ce problème ne se limite pas à la Russie. Il est maintenant clairement évident que la mondialisation et les puissantes forces économiques qu’elle a libérées ont permis à une nouvelle minorité très restreinte d’accéder à une richesse et à un pouvoir sans précédent.
Appelez-les comme vous voudrez: la superclasse, les ploutocrates, la«méritocratie mondiale». Ils sont le parfait exemple du lien entre argent et pouvoir politique. Et c’est un problème qui irrite de plus en de plus d’électeurs, de Londres à Kuala Lumpur.
C’est un défi à plusieurs facettes: en Chine, être membre du Parti Communiste au pouvoir est souvent le chemin le plus court pour accéder à la richesse. Nombre de scandales politiques actuels sont liés aux frasques de «jeunes princes» au carnet d’adresses bien rempli, des descendants de dirigeants politiques vétérans qui incarnentle mélange étrange et puissant entre marxisme-léninisme et capitalisme.
Ces dernières années, grâce à des investigations remarquables de la part de journalistes culottés, nous avons pu découvrir des choses ahurissantes sur l’ampleur des privilèges dont jouissent les proches de familles de notables comme le président Xi Jinping et l’ancien premier ministre Wen Jiabao.
Mais ce n’est pas vraiment une surprise. Quand on constate que la République pour le Peuple est gouvernée par les sept membres du Comité Permanent du Bureau Politique du Parti Communiste Chinois, il n’est question que d’un très petit nombre de familles qui exercent impunément leur contrôle sur une des plus grosses économies du monde.
Dans de telles conditions, il semble naturel que les pouvoirs politique et économique se renforcent l’un l’autre.
Il est évident que la situation chinoise n’est que le résultat d’un programme de libéralisation économique piloté par une élite autocrate. Dans les pays développés occidentaux, la situation est sensiblement différente: il y a davantage de concurrents; la richesse et l’influence politique sont distribuées à une échelle plus large.
Mais ce n’est qu’un maigre réconfort pour… disons les Américains, qui se présentent comme les perdants du dernier âge d’or de leur pays. L’égalité économique aux États-Unis a grimpé de façon régulière pendant les trois décennies qui ont suivi la Seconde guerre mondiale, mais a été interrompue par la stagflation et la compétition de plus en plus forte des autres pays dans les années 70.
L’économiste Joseph Stiglitz a d’ailleurs noté dans un récent éditorial :

L’année dernière, les 1% d’Américains les plus riches ont rapporté 22% du PIB ; les 0 ,1%, 11%. 95% des revenus depuis 2009 sont allés aux 1% les plus riches. Les chiffres du dernier recensement ont montré que le salaire moyen aux États-Unis n’a pas bougé depuis près d’un quart de siècle.

D’un autre côté, l’incroyable permissivité des lois américaines sur le lobbying et le financement des campagnes électorales a permis aux élites fortunées de s’assurer un pouvoir immense sur la politique. Quiconque suit la politique américaine aujourd’hui a entendu parler des grosses sommes d’argent dépensées par des magnats des affaires conservateurs, comme les frères Koch; ce dont on parle peut-être moins, ce sont les riches démocrates, comme George Soros ouTom Steyer, qui se font une joie de mettre la main au portefeuille afin de façonner la politique.
Mais les grosses entreprises et les conglomérats industriels sont encore plus discrets, et peuvent se payer des législateurs pour faire en sorte que les lois leur permettent d’augmenter leurs profits.
Une récente étude universitaire a déterminé que 40% des contributions aux campagnes politiques en 2012 provenaient d’un centième d’un pourcent des foyers américains. Ce chiffre est clairement le reflet d’une nouvelle élite économique qui prend de plus en plus conscience de son propre pouvoir politique– sans parler de l’indifférence dans d’autres segments de la population, qui voient de moins en moins l’intérêt de participer à la vie politique.
L’effritement des centres de pouvoir alternatifs, comme les syndicats,contribue indéniablement à la montée du cynisme et du désengagement. Tout cela ne sert qu’à saper le système démocratique des États-Unis. (Au vu du contexte, il n’est pas surprenant que la Cour suprême des États-Unis délibère une fois de plus sur la question de la limite autorisée pour les contributions aux campagnes politiques.)
Conséquence de tout cela, les États-Unis ont entamé un débat sans précédent sur les causes de ces nouvelles inégalités et leurs conséquences au niveau politique. Des auteurs comme George Packer ou Tyler Cowen conduisent des débats passionnés sur la dégradation du contrat social. Le nouvel ouvrage de l’économiste Andrew Deaton, The Great Escape (voir l’extrait ici), contient une citation mémorable de l’avocat Louis Brandeis: «Si la démocratie se transforme en ploutocratie, ce sont les moins riches qu’on prive de leurs droits».
Qui peut inverser la tendance? Certains– comme Cowen, qui croit que les inégalités actuelles sont en grande partie liées au changement technologique– sont sceptiques. D’autres insistent sur le fait que nous pouvons contrer cette dérive vers un gouvernement par une minorité grâce à des règles qui limiteraient le terrain de jeu– surtout dans l’éducation, l’infrastructure, et la santé.
Des mesures pour limiter l’impact de l’argent en politique ne seraient pas mal non plus (à supposer qu’on puisse en développer quifonctionnent vraiment). Pour ceux qui croient encore à la suprématie du marché, le paquet de mesures pourrait aussi en inclure quelques-unes qui feraient la promotion d’une compétition vraiment équitable, au lieu d’avoir de grosses entreprises qui réussissent grâce à leurs relations politiques.
Bien sûr, ça ne sous-entend pas qu’il faut dire adieu au capitalisme. Comme le remarquent les économistes du développement, la mondialisation a amené une prospérité relative à beaucoup de gens qui n’auraient jamais pu en rêver auparavant. (Pensons, pour commencer, à tous ces paysans chinois qui peuvent maintenant se permettre trois repas par jour– impensable par le passé).
La santé générale et les indicateurs de développement se sont considérablement améliorés au cours des cinquante dernières années. Mais rien de tout cela n’empêche de s’assurer que les bénéfices mirobolants réalisés par les élites ne finissent pas par priver tous les autres de leurs droits de citoyens. Parce que sinon, c’est un avenir bien obscur qui nous attend.
Seulement voilà: les riches accepteront-ils vraiment d’abandonner aussi facilement le pouvoir qu’ils ont acquis? Même si Occupy Wall Street visait les 1% avec une verve et une passion considérables, on peut dire que son impact politique a été proche de zéro.
Il est grand temps d’avoir de nouveaux mouvements politiques qui puissent rassembler les citoyens et offrir des réponses cohérentes à la concentration de plus en plus forte de l’influence d’une poignée d’individus en haut de l’échelle. Et il y a même des chances que certains des ploutocrates les plus éclairés offrent des idées pour rendre le pouvoir à la majorité. Où est Bill Gates quand on a besoin de lui?

Par Christian Caryl
Traduit par Anthyme Brancquart

Article sur le site de Slate.fr.

L’écart se réduit entre les revenus des plus pauvres et des plus riches grâce… à l’impôt | La Tribune

latribune.fr | 14/11/2013, 8:51 – 382 mots

Les prestations sociales et les prélèvements ont permis l’an passé de diviser par près de deux l’écart entre le niveau de vie des 20% de Français les plus aisés et des 20% les plus modestes, selon l’Insee.

Les prestations sociales et les prélèvements réduisent les écarts de revenus dans la population. Telle est la conclusion de l’Insee dans son portrait social 2013 de la France publié ce jeudi.

L’écart passe de 7,6 à 4 entre les 20% de Français les plus et moins aisés
Dans le détail, l’institut indique que, avant redistribution, le niveau de vie moyen annuel des 20% les plus aisés a atteint 55.300 euros, soit 7,6 fois celui des 20% les plus modestes (7.300 euros par an). Mais après prestations sociales et prélèvements, l’écart retombe à 4,0. Ce qui fait que les transferts augmentent d’environ 55% le niveau de vie des 20% les plus modestes et réduisent de 20% celui des 20% les plus aisés.

L’écart passe de 17,6 à 5,7 entre les 10% de Français les plus et moins aisés
Comme on peut s’en douter, la réduction des écarts est encore plus grande aux extrémités de la distribution des revenus, entre les 10% de Français les plus pauvres (environ 4.100 euros par an) et les 10% les plus aisés (environ 72.200 euros annuels). Le rapport passe ainsi de 17,6 avant redistribution à 5,7 après.
Dans son rapport, l’institut indique également que les prestations sociales (allocations familiales, minima sociaux et aides au logement) contribuent pour près des deux tiers (63%) à cette réduction d’inégalité, tandis que les prélèvements pèsent pour 37%, soit deux points de plus que l’an passé. Une hausse qui s’explique par la hausse importante de l’impôt sur le revenu.

« Près de 60% de cette hausse est acquittée par les 20% des ménages les plus aisés« 
L’Insee rappelle à cet égard que plus de trois milliards d’euros de la hausse de l’impôt sur le revenu découle de certaines dispositions telles que le gel du barème, la contribution exceptionnelle sur les hauts revenus, la hausse de taux du prélèvement libératoire forfaitaire pour certains revenus du capital ainsi que la baisse de 10% du produit des niches fiscales.
Au final, « près de 60% de cette hausse est acquittée par les 20% des ménages les plus aisés« , souligne l’Insee. Mais les ménages les plus modestes ne sont pas en reste. Ils ont en effet supporté plus de 30% de cette hausse notamment en raison du gel du barème.

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La pauvreté progresse encore en France | La Tribune

Le Secours catholique a accueilli plus de 1,4 million de personnes en situation de pauvreté en 2012 / Reuters.

latribune.fr | 07/11/2013, 11:35 – 289 mots

Le nombre de personnes accueillies par le Secours catholique a encore progressé en 2012, révèle, ce jeudi, l’association. Les personnes en situation de pauvreté restent encore très éloignées du marché du travail.

La pauvreté gagne encore du terrain en France. En 2012, quelque 1,43 million de personnes (dont 672.000 enfants) ont été suivies par le Secours catholique, révèle, ce jeudi 7 novembre,  l’association dans son rapport annuel sur la pauvreté. Soit 9.000 bénéficiaires de plus qu’en 2011.
Ces personnes font d’abord appel au Secours catholique pour obtenir une aide alimentaire, mais aussi des conseils pour régler leurs problèmes d’impayés. Près de 95% d’entre-elles vivent en dessous du seuil de pauvreté (fixé à 977 euros en 2011) et 70% sous le seuil de très grande pauvreté (644 euros). Le revenu moyen des ménages suivis reste stable sur un an à 954 euros.

18% de travailleurs pauvres
18% des bénéficiaires sont des travailleurs pauvres, 45% vivent des aides sociales et une personne sur six (17%) ne dispose d’aucune ressource. En matière d’emploi, « un gouffre se creuse entre les pauvres et l’emploi », note Bernard Thibaud, le secrétaire général de l’association.
Pour permettre aux bénéficiaires de retrouver du travail, le Secours catholique souhaiterait qu’il y ait enfin un « véritable accompagnement personnalisé » par Pôle Emploi de ces personnes victimes d’une « véritable déperdition d’énergie », mais aussi d’un manque de moyens.
Vicky, une jeune femme de 34 ans, gagne ainsi 730 euros par mois en travaillant entre 18 et 21 heures par semaine comme auxiliaire de vie. Elle aimerait travailler plus, mais ne possède ni ordinateur pour effectuer ses recherches, ni voiture pour se rendre à Pôle Emploi. Elle doit donc débourser 4 euros pour y aller en transports en commun. De l’argent qu’elle n’a pas les moyens de dépenser. « Moi avec 4 euros, je mange trois jours », explique-t-elle à l’AFP.